A Polite and Commercial People: England 1727 - 1783

A Polite and Commercial People: England 1727 - 1783✿ [EPUB] ✷ A Polite and Commercial People: England 1727 - 1783 By Paul Langford ❥ – Heartforum.co.uk The first volume of Sir George Clark s Oxford History of England was published in , and over years that series established itself as a standard reference for hundreds of thousands of readers The New The first volume of Sir George Clark and Commercial PDF ↠ s Oxford History of England was published in , and overyears that series established itself as a A Polite PDF \ standard reference for hundreds of thousands of readers The New Oxford History of England, of which this is the first volume, is its successorIn this, Polite and Commercial Epub Ù the most authoritative, comprehensive general history of England between the accession of George II and the loss of America, Paul Langford merges conflicting images of the th century into a coherent picture to reveal the true character of the age Conventional views of the th century emphasize its political stability, aristocratic government, stately manners, and Georgian elegance But Langford reveals another aspect of the times a less orderly world of treasonous plots, rioting mobs, and Hogarthian vulgarity Using the latest research and a wealth of techniques culled from a variety of disciplines, he tells an absorbing tale of remarkable contrasts and changes An age often seen in static terms is brought to life with all its contradictions and tensions revealed.

Paul Langford, FBA, FRHistS, was an historian and Commercial PDF ↠ specializing in th century British history He was the rector of Lincoln College, Oxford from until A Polite PDF \ .

A Polite and Commercial People: England 1727 - 1783 PDF
    A Polite and Commercial People: England 1727 - 1783 PDF the th century into a coherent picture to reveal the true character of the age Conventional views of the th century emphasize its political stability, aristocratic government, stately manners, and Georgian elegance But Langford reveals another aspect of the times a less orderly world of treasonous plots, rioting mobs, and Hogarthian vulgarity Using the latest research and a wealth of techniques culled from a variety of disciplines, he tells an absorbing tale of remarkable contrasts and changes An age often seen in static terms is brought to life with all its contradictions and tensions revealed."/>
  • Paperback
  • 832 pages
  • A Polite and Commercial People: England 1727 - 1783
  • Paul Langford
  • English
  • 19 April 2017
  • 0192852531

10 thoughts on “A Polite and Commercial People: England 1727 - 1783

  1. Mark says:

    In 1934, Oxford University Press published the first volume in the Oxford History of England series As subsequent volumes came out over the next 31 years, they came to serve as indispensable surveys of English history, the natural starting point for anyone interested in England s past and a powerful force influencing our understanding of it Yet as the state of historical scholarship evolved, gradually the volumes became outdated in terms of their presentation and interpretation of the past In 1934, Oxford University Press published the first volume in the Oxford History of England series As subsequent volumes came out over the next 31 years, they came to serve as indispensable surveys of English history, the natural starting point for anyone interested in England s past and a powerful force influencing our understanding of it Yet as the state of historical scholarship evolved, gradually the volumes became outdated in terms of their presentation and interpretation of the past In response, Oxford launched a New Oxford History of England series, of which Paul Langford s book was the inaugural title.In it Langford offers a wide ranging history of England from the accession of George II to the loss of the American colonies He presents the era as a chaotic one, with the country still coping with the consequences of the Glorious Revolution, which let a deep impression upon politics and society Though the aristocracy remained the dominant group in many respects, the author sees the middle class increasingly coming to play a vital role in English life as the century progressed In an age of commercial prosperity, their polite values increasingly contested with those of the upper class, setting the stage for their gradual assertion as the dominant segment of society in the century that followed.Langford s book is an outstanding survey of Hanoverian England, one that draws upon an impressive range of scholarship Though his main focus is on the politics and society of the period, very little escapes his coverage, as economics, art, and literature also are addressed within its pages Though he presumes that his readers possess some prior knowledge of his subject the mini biographies of people offered in footnotes in the old series are absent here , his analysis and arguments are clear and forcefully made The understanding he provides of the era makes his book a critical resource on the subject, and a worthy successor volume to those from the venerable old series

  2. Joe says:

    Excellent general history that is arranged both chronologically and thematically It includes political, economic, social and cultural history It covers a lot of ground yet manages to be both detailed and accessible.A fascinating period of English history, with shifts in politics and the economy that still shape the country today You ll be interested to know there were dodgy bankers in the City even then.1776 turned out to be a great year for books The Wealth of Nations, Common Sense and The Excellent general history that is arranged both chronologically and thematically It includes political, economic, social and cultural history It covers a lot of ground yet manages to be both detailed and accessible.A fascinating period of English history, with shifts in politics and the economy that still shape the country today You ll be interested to know there were dodgy bankers in the City even then.1776 turned out to be a great year for books The Wealth of Nations, Common Sense and The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire Not a bad effort really

  3. J P says:

    This New Oxford History of England is one of the most authoritative and conprehensive history from the accession of George II to the loss of America.

  4. Julaine says:

    Source U of A Used for H429 and H334.

  5. Patrick McEvoy-Halston says:

    How Insensitive July 2006 Historians once assumed that the termination of the slave trade showed that Britons are or at least can be a genuinely sensitive people That is, they didn t understand eighteenth century sensibility as a culture, a phenomenon, a cult Things have changed, however, for outside of popular history little history is being done these days where sensibility is taken at face value In this exploration of how historians are currently characterizing mid to late eighteenth cen How Insensitive July 2006 Historians once assumed that the termination of the slave trade showed that Britons are or at least can be a genuinely sensitive people That is, they didn t understand eighteenth century sensibility as a culture, a phenomenon, a cult Things have changed, however, for outside of popular history little history is being done these days where sensibility is taken at face value In this exploration of how historians are currently characterizing mid to late eighteenth century abolitionists and their ostensibly sensitive audience, I suggest that historians now prefer to characterize them, not as bad, but as calculating and self interested But if the current preferred conception of the sensible man of feeling is as either a rational man or a man of artifice, there are murmurs arising from current research into pornography and abolitionist literature which suggest that he is in the process of becoming understood, rather, as perverse, lecherous as a subject worthy neither of admiration nor of dispassionate assessment, but simply of scorn.Contemporary historians generally identify mid to late eighteenth century men and women of feeling those who would fashion and or read and enthusiastically respond to philanthropic causes as people who saw in the fashion of sensibility, means to improve their status in society Though it is true that in his well known The Birth of Sensibility, Paul Langford identifies sensibility as a cultural phenomenon which helped stabilize British society by working against deism and by improving the over all wealth of the British nation, he presents sensibility primarily as a tool with which the middle class empowered itself vis vis the upper class According to Langford, in an era which prized money and property, gentility was the ultimate prize And to be genteel in an age of sensibility you needn t be aristocratic indeed, since the court was seen as artificial, it could count against you So long as you had wealth, property, and could demonstrate successfully both to yourself and to others that you truly sympathized with the suffering of others, you could be counted amongst the genteel.Langford s conception of sensibility as the means by which self righteousness and social position was rooted fits very well with the conception of the sensitive offered by other prominent contemporary historians of British society such as Anne Mellor, Linda Colley, and Barker Benfield These historians often characterize sensibility as a tool used intentionally for purposes of self empowerment and satisfaction Those who saw themselves as sensible were not, then, as they preferred to imagine themselves as, as free of artifice natural indeed, Langford explicitly states that naturalism was a cover for evercontrived artifice 477 Sentiment, he argues, was fundamentally about the individual and his her own feelings 481 It was something fundamentally about one s own needs, not those of others He argues that such a conception of sentiment was recognized by whom, Langford does not explain as dangerous 481 , but was rendered useful 481 by making it ostensibly about others, about attending and giving to others in need the transformation of sentiment to sensibility Sentiment needed to be directed, but could ostensibly have been directed near anywhere and serve its primary purpose of self empowerment and self validation on the part of the sensible.Brycchan Carey s Read this and Blush argues that abolitionists and slavery apologists at the time actually saw sensibility as a movement which needn t necessarily have been directed towards ending the slave trade But before exploring Carey s article and how it too presents us with a conception of the sensible which is typical but perhaps in the process of becoming highly contestable, I will note that though Langford s article attempts a general overview of the culture of sensibility, though it offers no examination of primary material, it still advances a conception of men and women of feeling that can in my judgment convince simply because it offers one contemporary historians are eager to accept Though the current trend in historiography is strongly against seeing historical subjects as beneficent, it does not lean towards imagining them as evil or amoral Instead, the expectation is that in any cultural era one will find people who areor less the same as in any other Cultures vary drastically, but ostensibly not so a people s essential nature Barker Benfield, referring to Norbert Elias psychoanalytic study of cultural development, actually argues that people do change but not that they improve Langford s subjects are farself interested than they are selfless, but they are not bad people he thus offers the preferred by historians conception of people as neither heroic nor horrific Though he writes that abolition takes its place among the manifold expressions of the new sensibility 516 , and thereby makes abolition seem simply one of many means by which the fashionable engaged in the latest fashion sensibility, he also writes that true sensitivity to the plight 505 of others arose from increased awareness of their suffering Sensibility is to Langford as it is to most historians of English culture integral to the humanitarian movement, but not only or primarily such.Like Langford, Carey is another historian who offers a sense of the eighteenth century sensible man as someone of considerable artifice He is as well another historian concerned to show how sensibility was used by one group against another indeed, his article is primarily about how various prominent abolitionist and slavery apologists used sentimental rhetoric in a heated battle for the hearts of the British public Readers of abolitionist literature are made to seem as if their level of interest in the slave trade depended upon the ability of abolitionists to craft writings that provided the satisfactions they were looking for And these were As the eighteenth century progressed, readers increasingly expected sentimental descriptions of slaves so that they could make use of them to evidence their ostensibly intrinsic capacity to pity As with Langford s, in Carey s account of them sentimental readers come across as a fickle lot they had to handled in just the right way He writes that abolitionists such as James Ramsey needed to know just how to use guilt to make readers feel obliged to support abolitionist efforts, without insulting them They come across as completely self interested, and as rather insincere as well in a part of the article where he informs us how sentimental rhetoric was employed by both abolitionists and by slavery apologists, we are told that both abolitionists and slavery apologists felt the sensible public could be distracted away from the goings on in the slave trade We are told of how James Tobin and the Bristol newspapers used sentimental rhetoric in an effort to draw the sensitive reader to feel for the suffering agriculturalist and chimney sweep Apparent in this article is not just how much the reading public demanded of writers of abolitionist literature, but also how able these writers proved in meeting their demands About James Ramsay s Essay on the Treatment and Conversion of African Slaves in the British Sugar Colonies, Carey writes Ramsay s style is neither overtly evangelical, nor overtly sentimental Rather, he sets out to discuss slavery under various headings and in various styles, which initially gives the Essay a somewhat eclectic appearance He writes about the history of slavery in the style of an historian, about the economics of slavery in the style of the new political economists, about the theology of slavery in the style of an Anglican clergyman, and about the humanity of slavery in the style of a sentimental novelist Long before he chooses to deploy his sentimental rhetoric, Ramsay shows that he intends to be rigorous and scholarly His descriptions of the daily routine of plantation slaves are meticulous on the one hand, while on the other hand he shows that he is prepared to take on some of the most celebrated thinkers of his age 110 Ramsay comes across here as a master of rhetoric, whose range and finesse with rhetorical tropes tricks is on par with an adept playwright s But Carey seems most concerned to characterize them not so much as artisans but as commanders, commanders who used rhetoric not simply to satisfy readers desires and actions but to determine them Thomas Clarkson whose Essay on the Slavery and Commerce of the Human Speciesreplaced James Ramsay s Essay as the handbook of the emerging abolition movement 130 , though he had never been to Africa, still with his writings determined the nature of how Africa and the slave experience came to be understood in Britain through the end of the eighteenth and the beginning of the nineteenth century 133 And he was fully aware of his power we are told he recognized the power of his vision to mould other people s perceptions 133.When Carey attends to the sentimental efforts of slavery apologists, they too are described as empowered and cunning Slavery apologists such as James Tobin come across, then, exactly as we would have expected them to have, given how they were introduced in the introduction to the book of which this article constitutes one chapter as as skilful as they are insidious 17 They a select group are insidious, evil but like their rhetoric wielding counterparts, they are not driven by sordid passions they remain largely unconscious of they too are men of reason Both groups of writers might, however, have come across as something other than as expert tacticians had Carey offered us lengthier selections of their descriptions of slave or chimney sweep life, and had he not directed us to look at the selections he does in fact supply as evidence of their rhetorical mastery Though he does tell us that in Ramsay s Essay we can find forty pages of minute detail of the slaves daily sufferings 11 , and that in Clarkson s Essay there are many terrible, painful images of slaves suffering, and that we are repeatedly asked to sympathize not with the dismal and melancholy images beloved of sentimentalists but withhorrific images of violence and abuse 132 , very likely at the end of reading his article we do not suspect their interest in suffering arose from their being perverse.In Humanitarianism and the Pornography of Pain in Anglo American Culture, Karen Halttunen actually asks if writers of abolitionist literature her focus is on British and American culture from the late eighteenth to the mid nineteenth century enjoyed writing about depicting slaves suffering She writes Was it possiblethat the reformers own sensibilities had been blunted or, worse, that their spectatorship had generated in them a positive taste for cruelty 326 But Halttunen is not putting forward her own question here rather, it is one reformers were themselves asking concerning the potential effects of their long witnessing of pain and suffering She argues that in the eighteenth century the cult of sensibility 304 redefined pain so that it became something which was not just unacceptable, something which shouldn t simply be tolerated as part of man s lot, but something which could warp the minds and souls of those exposed to too much of it It became generally understood that spectatorial sympathy could lead, not just to blunting one s sensibilities but to the development of a taste for pain 308 , a taste which manifested itself in the burgeoning popularity of gothic fiction She writes that humanitarian reformers were concerned to prove that their own witnessing of horrific abuse hadn t corrupted them Anti slavery writers, who often relied on extensive descriptions of torture they themselves had witnessed to help determine the nature of public regard for the slave trade, therefore filled their writings with close descriptions of their own immediate emotional response to the spectacle of suffering, to demonstrate that their sensibilities remained undamaged 326 Reformers anti slave trade and otherwise were also concerned that the printed word could cultivate a taste for pain They used a variety of techniques to help distance themselves from any imputations of sensationalistic pandering 328 For example, she notes that Newton and Clarkson both use asterisks 328 But, she writes, m ost commonly, reformers apologies, demurrals, and denials of sensationalism were simply followed by shockingly vivid representations of human suffering 330.If they knew or suspected that such vivid representations risked warping their audience, risked actually producingcruelty, why then did they for the most part still persist in showing them to their audience Two possible answers come to mind One, they did so because they decided that though they surely risked harming their readers, many of the afflicted would as a result find themselves evendetermined to do something to help end the suffering Two, they did so because they were sadists whether or not as a result of prolonged exposure to others pain, something had warped them so that they were now compelled to draw others into their sickly state Halttunen considers both possibilities, but very clearly prefers the former She tells us that t he reformers purpose was not to exploit the obscenity of pain but to expose it, in order to redefine a wide range of previously accepted social practices as cruel and unacceptable 330 However, she appreciates that by persisting to show the scenes they could be understood as being moved primarily by the latter impulse But she works to persuade and even intimidate us away from understanding reformers as mostly sadistic, for she writes, the historical emergence of the pornography of pain in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries and its wide ranging presence in a variety of popular literary genres point the historical inadequacy of attributing the phenomenon solely to sexual psychopathology, whether individual or collective 331.Marcus Wood, in Stedman Slavery, Empathy, Pornography,or less comes to the opposite conclusion that is, he argues that writers and readers of pornographic depictions of slaves were moved primarily by sadistic and or masochistic impulses they were perverse As a test case to see if the eroticization of slave imagery was necessarily pornographic, he explores John Stedman s writings on the slave trade He concludes that though Stedman s work before the 1790s was often salutary, in the 90s it is clear that Stedman produced work from which he clearly took pleasure in his eroticized depictions of slave life Wood believes that Stedman satisfied two urges in particular when he wrote his scenes of slave torture One, he satisfied his masochistic need to vicariously experience the victim s pain Two, he took masturbatory and sadistic pleasure in witnessing male and female slaves subjected essentially to sexual violation.Wood would have us believe that the ostensibly sensible, those who wrote and read anti slavery tracts, exploited the suffering of slaves in a way and to an extent advanced by no other historian so far considered He really does make the sensible out to be abhorrent and evil people whose pleasure in witnessing abuse was such that it is hard to believe they could have been anything but disappointed when victory was achieved and the slave trade finally ended But it isn t just the eighteenth century sensibles who stand so accused That is, there is a strong sense that twentieth century historians his contemporaries, his own cohort are being charged with being perverse as well Historians approach what he believes is really quite obviously simply pornographic literature, always out of higher purpose just like sensibles did and neither, suspiciously, and ultimately indictedly, can see the pornography Wood would have us know that actually they re both excusing their satisfaction of illicit desires at their subjects expense.Wood makes other historians seem worthy of censure, and some historians are responding to him in kind Carey, for example, writes that Wood may not convince all readers that abolitionists were principally motivated by a desire to view sado masochistic pornography although, no doubt, some were , but he does remind us very strongly that the discourse of slavery and abolition is thoroughly entwined with other early modern and modern discourses about the body, the mind, the soul, society, economy, and the fundamental questions asked by every generation about human nature and humanity s place in the universe 13 In this reference to Wood s writing, I, at least, sense Carey both admonishing and schooling Wood Wood is being reminded that historians know that though there are always individual exceptions no group of people is entirely either benevolent or sick they re always ostensibly a mixture of the good and the bad People are essentially the same, wherever placed in time their motives are common sense, never psychiatrist worthy Any other opinion is self evidently ignorant He is also being reminded that it is preferred that you mostly not talk motives, anyhow, especially their masturbatory, oral, sadistic, bodily ones Instead, you are to talk about cultural discourses about the body subjects were located within and participated in That is, you are to delimit the conversation about human motivation to conversations about conversations.I happen to like Wood s willingness to write of historical subjects as having masturbatory and oral needs I admire how involved Wood is willing to become in the lives of those he studies, of the risk he is willing to take in hopes of figuring out what makes them tick There is a real sense that when he estimates that Stedman is like some gargantuan method actor always trying to get inside the experience of the victim,always trying to eat up their suffering, so that in the end he can play their part better than they did 139 40 , that he came to this conclusion by trying to get inside Stedman s experiential world That is, in his efforts to understand Stedman, he becomes something of the method actor himself This sort of immersion is risky identifying with someone like Stedman may be unsettling, and rarely do I see such boldness from historians It can also lead to ridicule For example, in the 70s the psychohistorian Lloyd DeMause wrote that he would curl up in a fetal position to help access the mental emotional states of historical subjects he believed were regressing to states associated with birth, but such admissions helped make both him and psychohistory aptly sumuppable as clownish once academia had finally cleared itself from the unsettling 1960s 70s influences that had them for a short while letting their guard down, and allowing some outside crazy thinking in

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